{"id":880,"date":"2024-04-30T19:25:00","date_gmt":"2024-04-30T17:25:00","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/www.repub.sk\/?p=880"},"modified":"2024-05-22T22:54:26","modified_gmt":"2024-05-22T20:54:26","slug":"paradox-univerzalnej-partikularnosti-a-partikularnej-univerzalnosti","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/www.repub.sk\/?p=880","title":{"rendered":"Paradox univerz\u00e1lnej partikul\u00e1rnosti a partikul\u00e1rnej univerz\u00e1lnosti"},"content":{"rendered":"\n

Po\u010diato\u010dn\u00fd probl\u00e9m, ktor\u00fd podrobujeme \u010diastkov\u00e9mu v\u00fdskumu sa objavuje u\u017e u slovinsk\u00e9ho filozofa Slavoja \u017di\u017eeka<\/em>. S probl\u00e9mom dominuj\u00facej ideol\u00f3gie, ktor\u00e1 p\u00f4sob\u00ed dojmom v\u0161adepr\u00edtomnej univerzality sa stret\u00e1vame vo viacer\u00fdch oblastiach n\u00e1\u0161ho v\u00fdskumu. Hlavn\u00fdm z\u00e1merom proklamovanej univerz\u00e1lnosti je zakr\u00fdvanie skuto\u010dnej podstaty ideologick\u00e9ho p\u00f4sobenia. T\u00fdm je privilegovanie partikul\u00e1rneho obsahu.[1]<\/a> Pod\u013ea franc\u00fazskych filozofov F\u00e9lixa Guattariho<\/em> a Gillesa Deleuzeho<\/em> vytv\u00e1ra koluj\u00faci kapit\u00e1l takzvan\u00fa deteritorializ\u00e1ciu, vyzna\u010duj\u00facu sa osloboden\u00edm od repres\u00edvnych fix\u00e1ci\u00ed v soci\u00e1lnej, afekt\u00edvnej \u010di jazykovej oblasti. Pod\u013ea spom\u00ednan\u00fdch filozofov ide o despotick\u00e9 usporiadanie prostredia, ktor\u00e9 je v politicko-teoretickej rovine pr\u00edzna\u010dn\u00e9 pre fungovanie kapitalizmu.[2]<\/a> Tento fenom\u00e9n m\u00f4\u017eeme re\u00e1lne pozorova\u0165 v\u0161ade vo svete, kedy doch\u00e1dza k \u010doraz v\u00e4\u010d\u0161iemu odtrhnutiu sa od lok\u00e1lnych kore\u0148ov a akceptovaniu glob\u00e1lnych narat\u00edvov. Je mo\u017en\u00e9, \u017ee by t\u00e1to univerzaliz\u00e1cia vypl\u00fdvala z partikul\u00e1rnosti, predostretej v \u00favode, odvol\u00e1vaj\u00facom sa na \u017di\u017eeka<\/em>? Pri poh\u013eade na vzostup nadn\u00e1rodn\u00fdch korpor\u00e1ci\u00ed v kontexte nastupuj\u00facej globaliz\u00e1cie po druhej svetovej vojne,[3]<\/a> sa jav\u00ed odpove\u010f jednozna\u010dne. Ide predsa o partikul\u00e1rne z\u00e1ujmy signifikantne men\u0161inovej skupiny firiem, profituj\u00facich z univerzaliz\u00e1cie svetov\u00e9ho prostredia. Na to, \u010di ide o jednostrann\u00fd vz\u0165ah alebo m\u00f4\u017ee aj univerz\u00e1lna s\u00fa\u010das\u0165 s\u00fa\u010dasn\u00e9ho sveta profitova\u0165 z partikul\u00e1rnosti, ktor\u00e1 je v nej zakorenen\u00e1, sa pozrieme v \u010fal\u0161ej \u010dasti \u010dl\u00e1nku.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Ide o protip\u00f3ly?<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

U\u017e gr\u00e9cky filozof Aristoteles<\/em> sa zaoberal problematikou univerz\u00e1lneho a partikul\u00e1rneho. V tomto aspekte sledoval najm\u00e4 mieru predv\u00eddate\u013enosti, na z\u00e1klade ktorej odli\u0161oval viacer\u00e9 individu\u00e1lne a pluralitn\u00e9 prvky reality. T\u00e1to t\u00e9ma by si zasl\u00fa\u017eila osobitn\u00fd pr\u00edstup a z h\u013eadiska rozsahu \u010dl\u00e1nku nie je mo\u017en\u00e9 ju podrobi\u0165 dostato\u010dnej anal\u00fdze. \u010co v\u0161ak urobi\u0165 m\u00f4\u017eeme je, \u017ee prenesieme t\u00fato tematiku na s\u00fa\u010dasn\u00fd kontext a to v oblasti mo\u017enosti odl\u00ed\u0161enia partikul\u00e1rneho a univerz\u00e1lneho. Vhodn\u00fdm pr\u00edkladom bude v s\u00fa\u010dasn\u00e1 forma demokracie, aj napriek tomu, \u017ee jej komplexn\u00e9 zadefinovanie nie je mo\u017en\u00e9 a mnoh\u00ed teoretici hovoria o skuto\u010dne inej forme vl\u00e1dy, ak\u00e1 je ch\u00e1pan\u00e1 v \u0161irokej verejnosti. Demokratick\u00fdm univerzalizmom sa zaoberal u\u017e franc\u00fazsky historik\u00a0Pierre Rosanvallon<\/em>.[4]<\/a> V stru\u010dnosti ju pova\u017eoval za historick\u00fd probl\u00e9m, pozost\u00e1vaj\u00faci napr\u00edklad aj z neskor\u0161ieho sebaklamu.[5]<\/a> Problematikou \u00faspe\u0161nosti demokracie v in\u00fdch regi\u00f3noch sveta, ako v takzvanom z\u00e1padnom sa taktie\u017e z poh\u013eadu n\u00e1\u0161ho v\u00fdskumu nebudeme zaobera\u0165. \u010co je v\u0161ak pre n\u00e1s d\u00f4le\u017eit\u00e9, s\u00fa intencie ved\u00face k presadzovaniu univerz\u00e1lneho pon\u00edmania demokracie. Ot\u00e1zkou zost\u00e1va, \u010di je t\u00e1to univerz\u00e1lnos\u0165 prospe\u0161n\u00e1 pre existuj\u00facu partikul\u00e1rnos\u0165 a naopak. Presadzovanie univerz\u00e1lneho ch\u00e1pania demokracie je s ur\u010ditos\u0165ou mo\u017en\u00e9 aj preto, \u017ee tak\u00fdto poh\u013ead vyhovuje ur\u010dit\u00fdm partikul\u00e1rnym z\u00e1ujmom. Konkr\u00e9tnym pr\u00edkladom m\u00f4\u017eu by\u0165 politick\u00e9 strany, ktor\u00e9 s\u00fa integr\u00e1lnou s\u00fa\u010das\u0165ou demokratick\u00fdch zriaden\u00ed. Ich n\u00e1sledn\u00e1 prezent\u00e1cia demokracie ako najv\u00fdhodnej\u0161ieho usporiadania spolo\u010dnosti v celosvetovom meradle je poh\u00e1\u0148an\u00e1 vlastn\u00fdmi z\u00e1ujmami pokra\u010dovania syst\u00e9mu, ktor\u00e9ho s\u00fa s\u00fa\u010das\u0165ou. M\u00f4\u017eeme tak vidie\u0165, \u017ee univerz\u00e1lnos\u0165 kapitalistick\u00e9ho modelu alebo narat\u00edvu demokracie ako celosvetovo prospe\u0161n\u00e9ho re\u017eimu, m\u00f4\u017eu podporova\u0165 ur\u010dit\u00e9 partikul\u00e1rne prvky. Tu sa dost\u00e1vame k z\u00e1sadn\u00e9mu paradoxu. M\u00f4\u017eeme toti\u017e pozorova\u0165, \u017ee tieto partikul\u00e1rne \u010dasti s\u00fa v skuto\u010dnosti s\u00fa\u010das\u0165ami univerz\u00e1lneho celku. Je v\u00f4bec re\u00e1lne, aby na prv\u00fd poh\u013ead jednozna\u010dn\u00e9 protiklady boli pojmovo s\u00fadr\u017en\u00e9 a pritom rozdielne? Existuje v s\u00fa\u010dasnosti nie\u010do ako univerz\u00e1lna partikul\u00e1rnos\u0165 a partikul\u00e1rna univerz\u00e1lnos\u0165, pri\u010dom obe koexistuj\u00fa ale taktie\u017e sa vz\u00e1jomne vylu\u010duj\u00fa? Podobne to v sl\u00e1vnom rom\u00e1ne 1984<\/em> uviedol na matematickom pr\u00edklade vizion\u00e1rsky spisovate\u013e George Orwell<\/em>.[6]<\/a> Hlavn\u00fd protagonista rom\u00e1nu Winston Smith <\/em>po brut\u00e1lnej indoktrin\u00e1cii dok\u00e1zal nakoniec uveri\u0165 tomu, \u017ee dva plus dva sa rovn\u00e1 p\u00e4\u0165. Ak by v\u0161ak strana potrebovala mohla si ako v\u00fdsledok dosadi\u0165 ktor\u00e9ko\u013evek \u010d\u00edslo.[7]<\/a> My v\u0161ak podobn\u00e9mu ideologick\u00e9mu de\u0161truovaniu jednotlivca za pomoci n\u00e1siln\u00fdch prostriedkov nepodliehame. Tak ako je v\u0161ak dnes najv\u00fdhodnej\u0161ia ekonomick\u00e1 vojna a nie t\u00e1 tradi\u010dn\u00e1,[8]<\/a> je takisto v\u00fdhodnej\u0161ia nen\u00e1siln\u00e1 ideologiz\u00e1cia subjektu a nie n\u00e1siln\u00e1. U\u017e spom\u00ednan\u00fd Slavoj \u017di\u017eek<\/em> tvrd\u00ed, \u017ee sa c\u00edtime by\u0165 slobodn\u00fdmi iba preto, \u017ee nedisponujeme jazykov\u00fdmi prostriedkami, ktor\u00fdmi by sme vedeli vyjadri\u0165 na\u0161u neslobodu.[9]<\/a> Je teda za nami uveden\u00fdm paradoxom naozaj p\u00f4sobenie ideol\u00f3gie?<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Vypl\u00fdvaj\u00face z\u00e1very<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

V z\u00e1vere \u010diastkov\u00e9ho v\u00fdskumu danej problematiky sa vraciame k n\u00e1\u0161mu \u00favodu. U\u017e sme nazna\u010dili, \u017ee ideologick\u00e9 p\u00f4sobenie nemus\u00ed sp\u00f4sobova\u0165 iba pojmov\u00e9 vypr\u00e1zdnenie zakr\u00fdvaj\u00face re\u00e1lnu podstatu, av\u0161ak je pravdepodobn\u00e9, \u017ee taktie\u017e je pr\u00ed\u010dinou spl\u00fdvania pojmov\u00fdch protikladov v ich skuto\u010dnej podobe. Navr\u00e1time sa aj k \u010fal\u0161iemu tvrdeniu, ktor\u00e9 sme uviedli v na\u0161om \u00favode. T\u00fdm je spom\u00ednan\u00e1 deteritorializ\u00e1cia. Adolf Hitler<\/em> vo svojom prejave v tov\u00e1rni Siemens, rok po uchv\u00e1ten\u00ed moci predniesol nasleduj\u00face slov\u00e1. \u201eBoj \u013eud\u00ed proti sebe a nezn\u00e1\u0161anlivos\u0165 medzi nimi, je pestovan\u00e1 ve\u013emi \u0161pecifick\u00fdmi z\u00e1ujmov\u00fdmi skupinami. Predstavuje ich mal\u00e1, vykorenen\u00e1, medzin\u00e1rodn\u00e1 klika, ktor\u00e1 \u0161tve \u013eud\u00ed proti sebe a nechce aby medzi nimi zavl\u00e1dol mier. S\u00fa to \u013eudia, ktor\u00ed s\u00fa doma v\u0161ade a z\u00e1rove\u0148 nikde, ktor\u00ed nemaj\u00fa dom\u00e1cu p\u00f4du, na ktorej vyr\u00e1stli ale \u017eij\u00fa dnes v Berl\u00edne, zajtra v Bruseli, v Par\u00ed\u017ei de\u0148 na to, potom v Prahe, Viedni \u010di v Lond\u00fdne, a ktor\u00ed sa c\u00edtia doma v\u0161ade. Oni s\u00fa jedin\u00ed, ktor\u00ed m\u00f4\u017eu by\u0165 adresovan\u00ed ako medzin\u00e1rodn\u00e9 elementy, preto\u017ee vykon\u00e1vaj\u00fa svoj biznis v\u0161ade. Ale n\u00e1rod ich nem\u00f4\u017ee nasledova\u0165. Ten je prip\u00fatan\u00fd k svojej p\u00f4de. Je prip\u00fatan\u00fd k svojej vlasti. A je prip\u00fatan\u00fd k \u017eivotn\u00fdm mo\u017enostiam, ktor\u00e9 poskytuje n\u00e1rodn\u00fd \u0161t\u00e1t<\/em>.\u201c Pribli\u017eova\u0165 dopady, ktor\u00e9 priniesol vzostup nacizmu v Nemecku nie je potrebn\u00e9, ke\u010f\u017ee sa jednalo o jeden z najviac nehum\u00e1nnych re\u017eimov v \u013eudskej hist\u00f3rii. Deteritorializ\u00e1cia je v\u0161ak integr\u00e1lnou s\u00fa\u010das\u0165ou tohto prejavu. To, \u010di k nej doch\u00e1dzalo v podobnej miere ako je tomu dnes alebo \u010di v\u00f4bec je ot\u00e1zkou na samostatn\u00fd v\u00fdskum. Jedno je v\u0161ak ist\u00e9. Nemeck\u00ed \u013eud ju poci\u0165oval a nes\u00fahlas s \u0148ou vyjadroval podporou nacizmu. Najv\u00e4\u010d\u0161ou trag\u00e9diou holokaustu bolo pod\u013ea \u017di\u017eeka<\/em> nie to, ako ho mohol nemeck\u00fd n\u00e1rod vykona\u0165. Trag\u00e9diu predstavovalo to, \u017ee ktor\u00fdko\u013evek n\u00e1rod by to bol schopn\u00fd urobi\u0165.[10]<\/a> Dne\u0161n\u00fd n\u00e1rast krajnej pravice je striktne korelat\u00edvny s viacer\u00fdmi syst\u00e9mov\u00fdmi d\u00f4sledkami, vypl\u00fdvaj\u00facimi z jeho vlastnej povahy. Na to sme u\u017e poukazovali vo viacer\u00fdch \u010dl\u00e1nkoch \u010di pr\u00e1cach. \u010co ak je v\u0161ak nami predstaven\u00fd paradox taktie\u017e imanentnou s\u00fa\u010das\u0165ou syst\u00e9mu a bez neho by sa rozpadol. \u010eal\u0161\u00ed \u017di\u017eekov<\/em> pr\u00edklad o podkove, ktor\u00fa mal kvantov\u00fd fyzik Niels Bohr <\/em>na dver\u00e1ch, pri\u010dom mala sl\u00fa\u017ei\u0165 ako ochrana vo\u010di ist\u00fdm mysteri\u00f3znym zl\u00fdm sil\u00e1m vystihuje podstatu klamstva ako z\u00e1kladu syst\u00e9mu. Priate\u013e, ktor\u00fd Bohra<\/em> nav\u0161t\u00edvil, mu po zbadan\u00ed podkovy dal ot\u00e1zku, pre\u010do ju tam m\u00e1, ke\u010f\u017ee je vedec a z toho by malo vypl\u00fdva\u0165, \u017ee na podobn\u00e9 nezmysly never\u00ed. Niels Bohr<\/em> odpovedal, \u017ee samozrejme na podobn\u00e9 veci never\u00edm, ale m\u00e1m to tam, preto\u017ee mi bolo povedan\u00e9, \u017ee to pom\u00e1ha, aj ke\u010f tomu never\u00edm. A rovnako to je s demokraciou, ktorej nemus\u00edme veri\u0165 ale praktizuje sa.[11]<\/a> Tu sa dost\u00e1vame k absol\u00fatnemu z\u00e1veru. Univerz\u00e1lna partikul\u00e1rnos\u0165 a partikul\u00e1rna univerz\u00e1lnos\u0165 m\u00f4\u017eu vo vypr\u00e1zdnenom pojmovom apar\u00e1te glob\u00e1lneho syst\u00e9mu fungova\u0165 oddelene ale z\u00e1rove\u0148 spolo\u010dne. Dokonca ak s\u00fa s\u00fa\u010das\u0165ou jedn\u00e9ho celku ako je napr\u00edklad demokracia, m\u00f4\u017eu si uveden\u00e9 pojmy, ako protire\u010di\u0165, tak aj spolo\u010dne existova\u0165. Aj napriek tomu, \u017ee sme v r\u00e1mci \u010dl\u00e1nku pouk\u00e1zali na mno\u017estvo probl\u00e9mov a zodpovedali viacero ot\u00e1zok, ostane jeho koniec bohu\u017eia\u013e otvoren\u00fd. Ako poukazuje politol\u00f3g Daniel Dobia\u0161<\/em>, ide\u00e1l je prirodzene rozpolten\u00fd od jeho pretavenia v realite.[12]<\/a> Neskor\u0161\u00ed prechod ide\u00e1lu k jeho opaku je potom \u010fal\u0161\u00edm logick\u00fdm vy\u00fasten\u00edm. Ak v\u0161ak je s\u00fa\u010das\u0165ou ide\u00e1lu praktizovan\u00e9ho v realite \u010das\u0165, podobn\u00e1 Orwellovsk\u00e9mu<\/em> newspeaku a v minulosti vyprodukovala nehum\u00e1nny re\u017eim a obrovsk\u00e9 ne\u0161\u0165astie, bud\u00facnosti sa treba ob\u00e1va\u0165. Ale pole mo\u017en\u00fdch v\u00fdsledkov je v\u00e4\u010d\u0161ie, ke\u010f\u017ee bud\u00faci v\u00fdvoj nemus\u00ed kop\u00edrova\u0165 ten z minulosti. Pr\u00e1ve to je d\u00f4vodom z\u00e1vere\u010dnej otvorenosti.  <\/p>\n\n\n\n

\n\n\n\n

Zdroje:<\/strong> <\/p>\n\n\n\n

[1] \u017dI\u017dEK, S.: Mluvil tu n\u011bkdo o totalitarismu?<\/em> Praha: tranzit.cz, 2007, s. 4.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

[2] HOUTUM, H.: Deterritorialization<\/em>. [online], [cit. 8\/5\/2024]. Dostupn\u00e9 na internete: <https:\/\/repository.ubn.ru.nl\/bitstream\/handle\/2066\/86710\/86710.pdf?sequence=>. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

[3] HABELGER, D.: The Significance and Influence of Multinational Corporations on the Global Economy<\/em>. [online], [cit. 8\/5\/2024]. Dostupn\u00e9 na internete: <https:\/\/ronesans.com\/en\/news\/the-significance-and-influence-of-multinational-corporations-on-the-global-economy>.  <\/p>\n\n\n\n

[4] Center for European Studies Harvard: Pierre Rosanvallon<\/em>. [online], [cit. 8\/5\/2024]. Dostupn\u00e9 na internete: <https:\/\/ces.fas.harvard.edu\/people\/002028-pierre-rosanvallon>. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

[5] ROSANVALLON, P.: Democratic Universalism as a Historical Problem<\/em>. [online], [cit. 8\/5\/2024]. Dostupn\u00e9 na internete: <https:\/\/laviedesidees.fr\/Democratic-Universalism-as-a>. <\/p>\n\n\n\n

[6] TASR: Vizion\u00e1rsky spisovate\u013e George Orwell sa narodil pred 120 rokmi<\/em>. [online], [cit. 8\/5\/2024]. Dostupn\u00e9 na internete: <https:\/\/www.teraz.sk\/magazin\/vizionarsky-spisovatel-george-orwell-s\/723798-clanok.html>.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

[7] ORWELL, G.: 1984<\/em>. Bratislava. SLOVART, 2013, s. 238.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

[8] Kurzgesagt \u2013 In a Nutshell: Is war over? Paradox explained<\/em>. [online], [cit. 8\/5\/2024]. Dostupn\u00e9 na internete: <https:\/\/www.youtube.com\/watch?v=NbuUW9i-mHs>.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

[9] PRATHAPAGIRI, S.: The Paradox of Freedom and Unfreedom: The Language We Lack<\/em>. [online], [cit. 8\/5\/2024]. Dostupn\u00e9 na internete: <https:\/\/pgsathwik.medium.com\/the-paradox-of-freedom-and-unfreedom-the-language-we-lack-381060ba4f8>.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

[10] Times Radio: Slavoj \u017di\u017eek: Trump, Himmler, Putin and ‚Atheist Christianity‘ | \u017di\u017eek’s plot to save the West<\/em>. [online], [cit. 8\/5\/2024]. Dostupn\u00e9 na internete: <https:\/\/www.youtube.com\/watch?v=IVgAc_oJ6DY>.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

[11] Ippolit Belinski: Slavoj Zizek on Niels Bohr and ideology<\/em>. [online], [cit. 8\/5\/2024]. Dostupn\u00e9 na internete: <https:\/\/www.youtube.com\/watch?v=lTAp3KZwYl0>.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

[12] CELKOV\u00c9 ZHODNOTENIE UCH\u00c1DZA\u010cA PhDr. Daniela Dobia\u0161a, PhD. (FILOZOFICK\u00c1 FAKULTA UPJ\u0160, KO\u0160ICE) O VEDECKOPEDAGOGICK\u00dd TITUL DOCENT<\/em>. [online], [cit. 8\/5\/2024]. Dostupn\u00e9 na internete: <https:\/\/www.upjs.sk\/public\/media\/7928\/dobias-sprava-hk-ff.pdf>.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Po\u010diato\u010dn\u00fd probl\u00e9m, ktor\u00fd podrobujeme \u010diastkov\u00e9mu v\u00fdskumu sa objavuje u\u017e u slovinsk\u00e9ho filozofa Slavoja \u017di\u017eeka. S probl\u00e9mom dominuj\u00facej ideol\u00f3gie, ktor\u00e1 p\u00f4sob\u00ed dojmom v\u0161adepr\u00edtomnej univerzality sa stret\u00e1vame vo viacer\u00fdch oblastiach n\u00e1\u0161ho v\u00fdskumu. Hlavn\u00fdm z\u00e1merom proklamovanej univerz\u00e1lnosti je zakr\u00fdvanie skuto\u010dnej podstaty ideologick\u00e9ho p\u00f4sobenia. T\u00fdm je privilegovanie partikul\u00e1rneho obsahu.[1] Pod\u013ea franc\u00fazskych filozofov F\u00e9lixa Guattariho a Gillesa Deleuzeho vytv\u00e1ra koluj\u00faci kapit\u00e1l […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":2,"featured_media":0,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"_monsterinsights_skip_tracking":false,"_monsterinsights_sitenote_active":false,"_monsterinsights_sitenote_note":"","_monsterinsights_sitenote_category":0,"footnotes":""},"categories":[14],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-880","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","hentry","category-filozofia"],"yoast_head":"\nParadox univerz\u00e1lnej partikul\u00e1rnosti a partikul\u00e1rnej univerz\u00e1lnosti - RE:PUB<\/title>\n<meta name=\"robots\" content=\"index, follow, max-snippet:-1, max-image-preview:large, max-video-preview:-1\" \/>\n<link rel=\"canonical\" href=\"https:\/\/www.repub.sk\/?p=880\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:locale\" content=\"sk_SK\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:type\" content=\"article\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:title\" content=\"Paradox univerz\u00e1lnej partikul\u00e1rnosti a partikul\u00e1rnej univerz\u00e1lnosti - RE:PUB\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:description\" content=\"Po\u010diato\u010dn\u00fd probl\u00e9m, ktor\u00fd podrobujeme \u010diastkov\u00e9mu v\u00fdskumu sa objavuje u\u017e u slovinsk\u00e9ho filozofa Slavoja \u017di\u017eeka. S probl\u00e9mom dominuj\u00facej ideol\u00f3gie, ktor\u00e1 p\u00f4sob\u00ed dojmom v\u0161adepr\u00edtomnej univerzality sa stret\u00e1vame vo viacer\u00fdch oblastiach n\u00e1\u0161ho v\u00fdskumu. Hlavn\u00fdm z\u00e1merom proklamovanej univerz\u00e1lnosti je zakr\u00fdvanie skuto\u010dnej podstaty ideologick\u00e9ho p\u00f4sobenia. T\u00fdm je privilegovanie partikul\u00e1rneho obsahu.[1] Pod\u013ea franc\u00fazskych filozofov F\u00e9lixa Guattariho a Gillesa Deleuzeho vytv\u00e1ra koluj\u00faci kapit\u00e1l […]\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:url\" content=\"https:\/\/www.repub.sk\/?p=880\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:site_name\" content=\"RE:PUB\" \/>\n<meta property=\"article:published_time\" content=\"2024-04-30T17:25:00+00:00\" \/>\n<meta property=\"article:modified_time\" content=\"2024-05-22T20:54:26+00:00\" \/>\n<meta name=\"author\" content=\"Mgr. 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